Survey responses
The following more detailed analysis highlights key statistical findings
from the survey, organized by survey question. Attached to the end of this
report are tables that provide comprehensive statistics for each question,
organized by a variety of demographic and other respondent characteristics.
Most important national problems (Table
1)
In the last year, both blacks and whites have changed their views
on what constitute the nation's most important problems.
Although blacks and whites continue to differ somewhat in what they view
as the most important national problems, both groups have changed their
assessments significantly since the Joint Center's last survey in January
1996. Among blacks, about one in four volunteer violent crime as the most
important national problem (24.5 percent). This is followed by the economy
(14.6 percent) and drugs (11.7 percent). Crime is at the top of the list
for whites as well, with 17.2 percent identifying crime as the top problem.
Whites identify government corruption and taxes as the number two problem
(12.0 percent). Except for those responses, no other problem reaches a level
of response in double figures. Compared with 1996, there is a sharp drop
in those mentioning the economy and balancing the budget as the most important
national problems. In 1996, 29.2 percent of blacks and 32.3 percent of whites
mentioned economic issues--jobs, the economy, and balancing the budget--as
the number one problem. In 1997, only 15.8 percent of blacks (a 45 percent
decline) and 11.4 percent of whites (a 64 percent decline) mention these
problems.
Hispanics identify drugs as the top problem (17.9 percent), followed
by the economy (15.6 percent) and crime (14.4 percent).
Black partisanship (Figure 1)
The vast majority of blacks continue to identify themselves as Democrats.
There is comparatively little change in black partisan identification
since the Joint Center's last survey. In 1997, 82 percent of African Americans
identify themselves as Democrats (Figure 1a), unchanged since last time.
The level of Democratic partisanship has remained remarkably stable since
the Joint Center's first National Opinion Poll in 1984. During that period,
black Democratic identification has ranged between a low of 77 percent in
1984 and a high of 86 percent in 1992; 1997's level of 82 percent is exactly
in the center of the range. Among all subgroups of the black population,
the most Republican is the 26-35 year old age cohort, among whom 17 percent
identify with the GOP (Figure 1b). Black baby boomers (age 36-50) are the
least Republican group, with only 3 percent identifying with the GOP. Overall,
there has been no change in the proportion of blacks who identify as Republicans
since 1996 (Figure 1c); however, there is a modest decline (13 percent)
in Republican identification among those 18-25 (from 13.8 to 12.0 percent).
Self-identified ideology (Figures
2a and 2b)
Blacks continue to be evenly divided among the categories of liberal,
moderate, and conservative.
Also unchanged from the recent surveys, the black population is evenly
divided into self-described liberals, moderates, and conservatives (32 percent
each). Almost all (81 percent) black self-identified conservatives identify
themselves as Christian conservatives. Half of the general population sample
identify themselves as conservatives (one-quarter as liberal and 22 percent
as moderate), with two-thirds of the conservatives identifying themselves
as Christian conservatives.
Presidential and congressional job ratings
(Tables 2 and 3)
Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics all rate President Clinton's job performance
considerably better than that of the Congress.
Among blacks, 60.5 percent give him excellent or good marks, while 37.5
percent rate his job performance as fair or poor. More whites (60.6 percent)
rate Clinton's job performance as fair or poor than excellent or good (39.1
percent). Hispanics are similar to blacks in their ratings with 54.1 percent
rating Clinton's job performance as excellent or good, while 37.9 percent
rate his performance as fair or poor.
Among blacks, the elderly rate Clinton's job performance most highly
(81.6 percent excellent or good), while black Republicans give Clinton's
job performance the poorest rating of all black subgroups (only 34.3 percent
excellent or good). Among the general population, Clinton fares best with
liberals (68.5 percent excellent or good) and Democrats (61.8 percent),
and poorest with Republicans (20.5 percent excellent or good) and secular
conservatives (21.7 percent).
Congress's job ratings are generally very poor with all groups. Blacks
giving fair or poor marks outnumber those giving excellent or good marks
by more than three to one (74.3 to 22.4 percent). Whites rate Congress even
more unfavorably, with only 16.7 percent rating Congress's job performance
as excellent or good. Hispanics are, comparatively speaking, most favorably
disposed to Congress, with 28.2 percent rating its job performance as excellent
or good.
In both the black and the general population samples, less than 30 percent
of every subgroup rates Congress's job performance as excellent or good,
and more than 60 percent rate it as fair or poor.
Actions to balance the budget (Tables
4a, 4b, 5a, and 5b)
Blacks and whites agree on most actions to balance the budget, including
deferring tax cuts until the budget is balanced.
Given that both blacks and whites rate Clinton's job performance more
favorably than that of the Congress, we inquired about what actions they
would support to balance the budget, and Clinton's budget positions, admittedly
flexible, generally fared better than those preferred by the Republican
Congress. Most important, there is substantial support for deferring tax
cuts, along with support for certain tax increases and considerable reluctance
to rein in the Medicare program.
There is substantial agreement between the choices of the black and general
populations on actions to take to balance the federal budget. In both population
samples, about 65 percent favor "sin" taxes, that is, taxes on
cigarettes and liquor. A somewhat higher proportion of the general population
favor cutting welfare spending (55.9 percent) than is the case in the black
population sample (43.3 percent). About 45 percent of both the general and
the black population favor no tax cuts until the budget is balanced. A somewhat
higher proportion of the black population favors defense cuts (41.9 percent)
than do the general population (34.4 percent). Somewhere between 20 and
30 percent of each sample favors cuts in elderly entitlement programs (Medicare,
Medicaid, and downward CPI adjustment). There is little support for a gas
tax increase in either population sample (about 20 percent), and even less
for education cuts (3.7 percent in the black population and 8.2 percent
in the general population).
In the black population sample, except for additional sin taxes, the
only actions supported by a majority of any subgroup are deferring tax cuts
(northeasterners: 54.5 percent; the 26-35 year age cohort: 54.4 percent;
Christian conservatives: 50.7 percent; college educated: 52.8 percent; and
upper income groups: 50.0 and 53.9 percent); cutting welfare (liberals:
50.7 percent; lower middle income: 52.9 percent; and baby boomers: 52.9
percent); and cutting defense (baby boomers: 57.0 percent; political moderates:
53.5 percent; and the college educated (64.6 percent).
In the general population sample, except for higher sin taxes and reduced
welfare spending, the only proposal to gain majority support in any subgroup
is no tax cuts (northeasterners: 52.0 percent; and political moderates:
52.4 percent).
Policy proposals (Table 6)
On the five current public policy proposals, blacks, Hispanics, and
whites are substantially in agreement, with no majorities in any of the
three groups holding opinions opposite from those in the other groups.
Balancing the federal budget. There is close to unanimous support
among blacks, Hispanics, and whites for balancing the federal budget.
Gun control. Large majorities of blacks (77.8 percent), Hispanics
(74.5 percent), and whites (70.2 percent) favor stronger restrictions on
the sale and use of handguns.
Defense spending. Large majorities of blacks and whites oppose
increasing defense spending. A majority of Hispanics also oppose an increase;
however, the division among Hispanics is quite close.
Spending on prisons and law enforcement. Large majorities of whites
and Hispanics favor increasing government spending on prisons and law enforcement.
A majority of blacks likewise support the increase but by a considerably
smaller majority (51.1 to 44.9 percent).
Food stamps for legal immigrants. Large majorities of blacks and
Hispanics favor providing food stamps to legal immigrants. A majority of
whites also supports this; however, it is a considerably smaller majority
(51.3 to 47.3 percent).
Feelings toward public figures (Tables
7-14 and Figures 3a, 3b, 4a, and 4b)
Blacks rate Clinton more favorably than any other public figure, including
Colin Powell. With whites, it is precisely the reverse; Colin Powell's favorability
rating is higher than Clinton's.
The respondents in the survey were asked to rate their feelings toward
eight public figures, four black and four white. These ratings of public
figures have been included in Joint Center surveys since 1992, with certain
prominent national leaders included in each survey (Bill Clinton, Jesse
Jackson, Colin Powell) and others rotated in (Trent Lott) or out (Bob Dole)
as leaders change. Included in these questions was an explicit name recognition
feature; prior to examining how the public feels about these public figures,
their level of public recognition will be noted (Figures 3b and 4b).
In the black population, Bill Clinton and Jesse Jackson are universally
known, with Vice President Al Gore only slightly less known, closely followed
by Louis Farrakhan, retired General Colin Powell, and House Speaker Newt
Gingrich. Oklahoma congressman J.C. Watts is unknown to 42.2 percent of
those interviewed, and Senate majority leader Trent Lott is unknown to 47.7
percent.
In the general population, Bill Clinton, Jesse Jackson, Al Gore, Newt
Gingrich, and Colin Powell are more or less universally known to the public.
More than one in seven in the general public has never heard of Nation of
Islam leader Louis Farrakhan. J.C. Watts is also largely unknown to the
general public, with 42.2 percent of those interviewed saying they had never
heard of him. Similarly, Trent Lott is also largely unknown to the general
public with 47.7 percent indicating that they had never heard of him.
Bill Clinton (Table 7). In the black population sample, more people
have favorable feelings toward Bill Clinton than any other figure asked
about in the survey. Whites rate Clinton more favorably than not, although
much less so than blacks. Among whites, the only figure with higher favorable
ratings than Clinton is Colin Powell. In the black sample, 89 percent rate
their feelings toward Clinton as favorable, while only 9.4 percent rate
them as unfavorable. Among whites, Clinton's favorable-to-unfavorable ratio
is 56.2 to 40.7 percent. Hispanics are closer to blacks than whites in rating
Clinton, with a 77.8 to 15.0 favorable-to-unfavorable ratio.
There are no subgroups of the black population that do not view Clinton
favorably. Among the general population, self-identified liberals (86 percent
favorable), moderates (77.5 percent), Democrats (80.2 percent), those without
a high school diploma (78.1 percent), and low-income people (78.9 percent)
rate Clinton most favorably. Conservatives, both secular (58.9 percent unfavorable)
and Christian (55.9 percent unfavorable), and Republicans (63.2 percent
unfavorable) are most negative on Clinton.
Al Gore (Table 8). Vice President Al Gore is rated somewhat less
favorably than Clinton. Among blacks, 67.8 percent rate him favorably, while
15.1 percent rate him unfavorably. Gore's favorable-to-unfavorable ratio
among whites is 51.3 to 38.4 percent, which is somewhat poorer than Clinton's,
and his rating by Hispanics is substantially poorer, with 53.6 percent rating
him favorably, and 28.4 percent rating him unfavorably.
Among the black subgroups, Gore is most favorably viewed by the elderly
(75.5 percent favorable), the college educated (78.1 percent), and those
with higher incomes (74.5 percent). He is least favorably viewed by the
18-25 year age cohort, with 58.8 percent rating him favorably. Like Clinton,
he is rated most unfavorably by conservatives and Republicans.
Jesse Jackson (Table 9). The Reverend Jesse Jackson is rated almost
as favorably as Clinton among blacks, while whites rate their feelings toward
him as more unfavorable than favorable, although both groups see him more
favorably than they did in the 1996 poll.[ In the black population sample,
Jackson's favorable-to-unfavorable ratings are 86.6 to 8.1 percent. Among
whites, his unfavorables are greater than his favorables by five to three,
29.9 to 50.0 percent. Hispanics rate Reverend Jackson quite highly, 67.8
percent favorable to 11.2 percent unfavorable.
Jackson's ratings are uniformly favorable across all subgroups of the
black population. In the general population sample, younger people (43.9
percent favorable to 43.4 percent unfavorable), self-identified liberals
(48.5 to 25.5 percent) and moderates (45.0 to 34.7 percent), Democrats (46.1
to 33.1 percent), those lacking a high school diploma (58.4 to 20.6 percent),
and poor people (53.7 to 35.0 percent) rate Jackson favorably. Secular conservatives
(67.0 percent unfavorable to 21.5 percent favorable), Republicans (58.9
to 25.0 percent), and upper middle-income people (61.5 to 22.5 percent)
rate him least favorably.
Colin Powell (Table 10). Retired General Colin Powell is rated
favorably by every subgroup in both the black and the general population
samples. That being said, it is interesting to note, his ratings tend to
be opposite those of Jackson. Powell fares better with whites than blacks,
with older rather than younger people, with conservatives and Republicans
more than with liberals and Democrats, and with those with the most education
and the highest incomes rather than those with the least.
Powell's favorable-to-unfavorable ratings among blacks are 69.7 percent
favorable to 11.0 percent unfavorable; among whites they are 78.4 to 7.9
percent favorable to unfavorable; and among Hispanics, they are 54.9 to
13.3 percent favorable to unfavorable. More than twice as many Hispanics
as whites or blacks don't know enough about Powell to rate him.
Trent Lott (Table 11). Senate majority leader Trent Lott remains
a mostly unknown face on the national stage. Among blacks, 80 percent do
not know enough about him to rate their feelings toward him; similarly Lott
is an unknown quantity to 67.6 percent of whites and 83.8 percent of Hispanics.
Lott's favorable-to-unfavorable ratings are 13.1 to 5.0 percent among blacks,
23.1 to 5.5 percent among whites, and 10.4 to 5.1 percent among Hispanics.
Among blacks, Lott is most favorably viewed by Republicans and least favorably
by the young. In the general population, the elderly, secular conservatives,
and Republicans view Lott most favorably; those in the pre-retirement age
cohort view him least favorably.
J.C. Watts (Table 12). The rising young black Republican congressman
from Oklahoma, J.C. Watts, is for the most part, like Trent Lott, an unknown
on the national stage. Almost three-quarters of blacks and whites don't
know enough about him to rate him. His favorable-to-unfavorable ratings
are quite similar among blacks, whites, and Hispanics; blacks rate him 16.4
to 8.3 percent favorable to unfavorable, whites 16.4 to 8.5 percent, and
Hispanics 18.5 to 8.1 percent. Among blacks, Watts is most popular with
Republicans (33.4 to 0.0 percent) and, interestingly, least popular among
secular conservatives (5.5 percent favorable to 6.6 percent unfavorable).
(Representative Watts is a minister and former football star.) In the general
population, men, conservatives, and Republicans rate Watts more favorably
than other subgroups; women, liberal, and those without a high school diploma
like him least.
Newt Gingrich (Table 13). House Speaker Newt Gingrich continues
to be a very unpopular political figure in this country. Speaker Gingrich's
unfavorable ratings exceed his favorable ones by three to one among blacks
(52.4 to 17.4 percent), five to three among whites (50.4 to 34.8 percent),
and by more than two to one among Hispanics (54.4 to 20.2 percent).
In the black population sample, self-identified moderates like Gingrich
least (8.3 to 63.4 percent favorable to unfavorable), and black Republicans
rate him most favorably (38.5 percent favorable to 23.7 percent unfavorable).
Among the general population, his ratings break nicely along the defining
features of the partisan divide. Comparatively speaking, he is most popular
with men, conservatives, Republicans, and those with higher levels of income
and education. He is least popular--and that translates to very unpopular--with
women, liberals and moderates, Democrats, and those with lower levels of
education and income.
Louis Farrakhan (Table 14). There are significant differences
across a number of subgroups on feelings toward Nation of Islam head Louis
Farrakhan. Among blacks, a slight plurality of the population rate him more
favorably than unfavorably (40.1 to 36.8 percent), while whites universally
feel negative toward Farrakhan (3.6 percent favorable to 59.4 percent unfavorable).
Of the eight public figures, Farrakhan is the most unpopular with whites.
Hispanics rate Farrakhan somewhat more favorably than do whites, with 17.6
percent rating him favorably and 32.1 percent rating him unfavorably.
Among blacks, Farrakhan is most favorably viewed by men, young people,
and Christian conservatives; elderly people and self-identified independents
view Farrakhan least favorably. As noted, Farrakhan is generally disliked
among all subgroups of the general population. Those subgroups that dislike
him the least include the young and those with the lowest levels of education | 
