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Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies 1997 National Opinion Poll--Children's Issues The 1997 Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies National Opinion Poll is a national survey of 1,702 adults, which was conducted between March 21 and April 20, 1997. The survey's questions cover a broad range of topics including race relations, politics, devolution, social policy, and children's issues. The following analysis concerns survey findings on children's issues. In the coming months, the Joint Center will release its findings on the other topics identified above. The survey has three components: a sample of 850 adults from the national population; a survey of 850 adults from the national African American population; and an oversample of 100 Hispanics. The survey methodology is described in an accompanying appendix. [Note: Tables are not included. The complete report may be ordered from the Joint Center (click here for ordering information).]

David A. Bositis Summary Unlike race relations, on issues relating to children our survey shows many areas of agreement between blacks and whites. It is clear that African Americans, Hispanics, and white (non-Hispanic) Americans are all deeply concerned about their children's lives and futures, and it is also clear that they agree on several problems and dangers confronting their children which they believe should be addressed by government action. Overall, clear majorities of all three groups strongly support universal health insurance for children. Nearly identical majorities of all three groups also believe the sale of 'gangsta rap' to minors should be prohibited. Even the politically controversial proposal for the government to build orphanages found a majority of all three groups in support, although the depth of support varies, with whites least in favor of this idea. While there is substantial agreement about the direction policy should take to protect and nurture children, questions dealing with public schooling reveals a mixture of consensus and disagreement. All three groups agree (by substantial majorities) that the government should spend more money on education, although again the white majority was the smallest one. On the issue of school vouchers, whites are evenly divided, while blacks and Hispanics favor vouchers by solid majorities. The most conspicuous difference in outlook concerns the quality of local public schools: While a solid majority of whites consider their areas' public schools excellent or good, only a third of blacks and slightly more Hispanics feel the same way. Moreover, all three groups showed a decline in their school rating since last year's Joint Center survey. There is one noteworthy similarity between the Joint Center's poll findings on race relations and those on children's issues, namely a significant generation gap in both the black and white populations. The oldest cohort of blacks and whites (ages 65 and older) are more opposed than younger persons to governmental spending on children, and more attracted to socially conservative (regulatory) solutions. The differences between young and old are greater than the differences between blacks and whites on most children's issues. In both the general population and among African Americans, the youngest groups are far more apt than the oldest to believe that universal children's health insurance is needed; that the government should build orphanages; that the government should spend more on education; and that school vouchers should be instituted.

Survey Responses The following more detailed analysis highlights key statistical findings from the survey, organized by survey question. The tables referred to are attached at the end of this report. These tables provide comprehensive statistics for each question, organized by a variety of demographic and other respondent characteristics.

Children's Health Insurance There is strong support for providing health insurance for all children under 18. Blacks (84.3 percent) and Hispanics (80.9 percent) support this goal more than whites (59.6 percent), but nonetheless a large majority support children's health insurance across all groups. Table 1 All subgroups of the black population strongly supported universal children's health insurance. Of all age groups in the black population, the most likely child-raising cohort (18-35 years) supported this most strongly (91.5 percent), while those age 65 and over supported it least strongly (77.3 percent). Table 1 There is a large generation gap in the general population, with the two youngest age cohorts strongly supporting children's health insurance (ages 18-25: 70.3 percent for; ages 26-35: 77.3 percent for), while those age 65 and over were evenly divided (47.1 percent for and 46.1 percent against). A majority (54.9 percent) of secular conservatives opposed government provided health insurance, and Christian conservatives (49.4 percent for vs. 47.9 percent against) and Republicans (44.5 percent for vs. 44.5 percent against) were evenly divided. Table 1

'Gangsta Rap' Nearly identical levels of support are evident among blacks (75.6 percent), Hispanics (73.9 percent), and whites (78.4 percent) for prohibiting the sale of music and videos featuring gangsta rap to those under age 18. Table 2 While a majority of the youngest age cohorts of both races supported restricting gangsta rap in this way, nevertheless of all age cohorts the youngest were least likely to support such a restriction. Specifically, 36.7 percent of black 18-to-25-year-olds and 32.7 percent of 18-25-year-olds in the general population disliked the restriction. Table 2 The only subgroup of the black population where a majority opposed such a restriction was secular conservatives (50.0 percent against vs. 44.4 percent for). In the general population, a majority of all subgroups supported the restriction, with self-identified liberals least supportive (66.7 percent for vs. 31.9 percent against). Table 2

Orphanages There is considerable similarity of opinion across the races regarding the proposal that the government build orphanages for children from dangerous and unhealthy homes. There was strong and broad support for this idea, which was suggested a few years ago by House Speaker Newt Gingrich, who was broadly criticized for it. Hispanics (81.4 percent) most supported the government building orphanages, followed by blacks (75.5 percent), and whites (61.1 percent). Table 3 A majority of every subgroup in the black population supported this proposal. Those subgroups least supportive of the idea included baby boomers (67.0 percent for vs. 30.5 percent against), those living in the West (68.0 percent for vs. 31.9 percent against), the college educated (54.1 for vs. 44.9 against), and those in the highest income group (55.5 percent for vs. 37.7 percent against). Table 3 In the general population, a majority of all subgroups likewise supported this idea. The youngest age cohort most strongly supported the idea (82.9 percent for vs. 17.0 percent against), while those over age 50 were least supportive (ages 50-64: 54.3 percent for and 40.4 percent against; ages 65 and over: 58.5 percent for and 31.7 percent against). Those least supportive of the orphanage idea among the general population were people living in the West (52.5 percent for vs. 45.5 percent against), self-identified secular conservatives (56.4 percent for vs. 42.2 percent against), those with college degrees (50.0 percent for vs. 47.4 percent against), and those in the highest income group (57.4 percent for vs. 40.5 percent against). Table 3

Same-Sex Education There is also considerable agreement across races on the issue of same-sex education. When asked if there should be more all-boys and all-girls schools, a majority of blacks, Hispanics, and whites opposed the idea. A substantial majority of the general population opposed same-sex education, particularly whites (70.9 percent against vs. 25.4 percent for), while in the black sample respondents were somewhat less apt to be opposed (58.2 percent against vs. 38.0 percent for). While a majority of Hispanics were also opposed to this style of education, their margin was quite small (53.2 percent for vs. 46.8 percent opposed). Table 4 In the black population, the youngest age cohort was most opposed to same-sex education (74.0 percent against vs. 26.0 percent for) and the oldest age cohort was most supportive (46.0 percent for vs. 34.9 percent against). A majority of secular conservatives (59.5 percent for vs. 40.5 percent against) supported same-sex education, while black Republicans (46.9 vs. 48.1 percent) and those in the lowest income group (48.2 vs. 47.2 percent) were evenly divided. Table 4 In the general population, there were also large differences between the oldest and youngest age cohorts, although a majority of the elderly in the general population did not prefer same-sex education. While a large majority of 18-25-year-olds opposed the idea (76.2 percent against vs. 22.5 percent for), it was opposed by a more modest 56.8 percent of those age 65 and over. Table 4 In the general population, the two subgroups whose support for this style of education was relatively the strongest were Christian conservatives (38.5 percent for vs. 59.9 percent against) and those in the lowest income group (40.4 percent for vs. 57.6 percent against). Table 4

Rating Public Schools Whites express considerably more satisfaction with their local public schools than do blacks or Hispanics. A majority of whites (60.7 percent) rated their local public schools as excellent or good, while only about a third of blacks (34.3 percent) and 39.4 percent of Hispanics thought this well of their public schools. Table 5 Further, satisfaction with local public schools has declined somewhat since the Joint Center's 1996 survey, as the following table shows.    Black Population  General Population  Excellent/Good  Fair  Poor  Excellent/Good  Fair  Poor  1996 41.0 37.0 16.5 63.7 22.7 7.4  1997 34.3 37.7 23.3 56.9 26.2 13.3 Since the 1996 survey, there has been a 6.7 percentage point decline in the number of African Americans rating local public schools excellent or good, and a corresponding rise in those rating them poor. A very similar pattern emerged in the general population, with a decline in excellent or good ratings (by 6.8 percentage points) and a rise in poor ratings (by 5.8 percentage points). Table 5 Black Republicans were the only subgroup of the black population where a majority (50.6 percent) rated local public schools as excellent or good. Other African American subgroups that were the most likely to rate public schools this highly were those ages 65 and over (40.7 percent), those living in the Midwest (39.9 percent), those without high school diplomas (39.6 percent), and those with either high incomes (43.0 percent) or low incomes (40.8 percent). Bù âercent) wereçe likely to rate the schools this way than were black women (28.6 percent). Table 5 The black subgroups most likely to give failing marks to their public schools were those living in the Northeast (34.5 percent rating schools as poor), secular conservatives (45.3 percent), and those with some college (35.7 percent). Table 5 In the general population, the gap between the oldest and youngest age cohorts surfaced again with only 43.1 percent of those ages 18-25 rating their public schools as excellent or good, compared with 60.4 percent of people ages 65 and over. Regionally, those in the South were much more critical of the schools (48.3 percent excellent/good vs. 20.6 percent poor) than were those in the Midwest (67.8 percent excellent/good vs. 7.1 percent poor). Table 5

School Spending Accompanying this declining confidence in public schools is a strong desire for government to spend more money on education. This is true across all racial groups, although there were some significant pockets of resistance to this spending. A majority of blacks (79.2 percent), Hispanics (85.8 percent), and whites (59.6 percent) believed that the government is spending too little on education. Table 6 Substantial majorities of all subgroups-save one-of the African American population believed that the government has been spending too little money on education. The one subgroup where a majority did not believe this was the oldest subgroup (only 49.6 percent believed it was the case), in contrast with blacks ages 18-25 (82.4 percent) and those ages 26-35 (87.2 percent). Table 6 A similar generation gap exists in the general population, with only 41.4 percent of those age 65 and over believing that the government is spending too little on education, compared with 87.2 percent of the 18-25-year-old group. Other subgroups least supportive of more government spending for education are people in the West (only 53.0 percent thinking too little is being spent), and conservatives, both secular (45.7 percent) and Christian (52.7 percent). More than a quarter of all secular conservatives (26.7 percent) believe that the government is spending too much on education. Table 6

School Vouchers Support for school vouchers for use in public, private, or parochial schools is surprisingly strong, and has substantially increased since the 1996 Joint Center survey. A majority of blacks (57.3 percent) and Hispanics (65.4 percent) supported school vouchers, while whites were evenly divided (47.2 percent in favor and 47.4 percent opposed). Table 7 This is a 10.6 percentage point (19 percent) increase in support for vouchers among African Americans since January 1996, when only 47.9 percent supported the idea. It is also a 4.8 percentage point increase for whites (or 11 percent); in 1996, 42.4 percent of whites supported vouchers. Table 7 The most remarkable support for vouchers came from younger blacks, with 86.5 percent of those ages 26 to 35 and 66.4 percent of those ages 18-25 supporting the idea. In contrast, blacks ages 65 and over opposed vouchers by 66.1 to 19.0 percent. Apart from young African Americans, the strongest support for school vouchers came from black Republicans (79.3 percent for), secular conservatives (68.3), high school graduates (67.1), and low income people (70.4). Table 7 While African Americans over age 50 were the only group where a majority opposed vouchers, blacks living in the West (50.7 percent for), those with less than a high school education (46.3), and higher income blacks ($35-$60,000: 50.2 percent; over $60,000: 51.8 percent) showed the least support. Table 7 In the general population, there was a similar generation gap on the voucher issue-most pronounced between the 26-35-year-olds (64.3 percent for) and those age 65 and over (26.4 percent). The lowest-income persons were strong supporters of vouchers (63.1 percent for), while Westerners (41.9 percent for), self-identified moderates (40.2 percent), and those with college degrees (41.2 percent) were the least supportive. Table 7

Methodology The survey was designed and the questionnaire developed at the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The overall study design consists of three groups: a national general population sample of 850, a national sample of African Americans of 850, and a national sample of 100 Hispanics. There are 80 African-American and 18 Hispanic respondents in the general population sample who are also part of the national samples of African-Americans and Hispanics. Thus, in total, there are 1,702 adults, 18 years of age or older, included in this study. The survey results are based upon telephone interviews with 1,702 adults conducted between March 21, 1996, and April 20, 1997. The field work was done by Research America) with a sample provided by Survey Sampling. Randomized procedures were used to select respondents within each household reached by telephone. After the initial call, there were at least three "call-backs" if no interview was completed. The results of this survey for both the general population sample and the black population sample should be interpreted with a statistical margin of error of ±4 percentage points. That is, one can say with 95 percent confidence that the statements made based upon the procedures employed have a random error (sampling error, random measurement error, etc.) component of ±4 percentage points. Actually, this survey like all others does not have a margin of error. The individual items in the survey have margins of error based upon their sample variance, the level of confidence desired (e.g., 95 percent), and sample size.[ The ±4 percentage points is a conservative estimate of margin of error; i.e., many items-especially those in which majorities of either sample hold similar positions-have a margin of error much smaller than ±4 percentage points. In addition to the random error component in surveys, non-random errors may be present. While this survey is based upon random digit dialing techniques that effectively deal with potential problems in telephone surveys such as unlisted numbers, new numbers, etc., non-response in telephone surveys produces a variety of known biases, and probably some unknown ones. Further, a telephone survey by definition has a population of individuals with some reasonable expectation of being reached by telephone. Such a definition, of course, eliminates certain populations; for example, most homeless people and others living in poverty who are not reachable by phone are not part of the sample population. Thus, the statements made based upon this survey are most likely not generalizable to homeless people, black or white. During the field work phase of the survey, an effort was made to maximize the use of same-race interviewers, and a majority of the interviews were conducted with same-race interviewers, i.e., black interviewers for black respondents and white interviewers for white respondents. The sample data from the overall survey are weighted in the analyses to population parameters for a variety of demographic factors. The parameters used in this weighting are from the U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992 Current Population Survey, and prior Joint Center surveys. [ A random sample is a random subset of a population. One makes observations on suitable units of a random sample in order to make statements about the population and to estimate the error associated with such statements. A common misconception regarding surveys and associated statistical theory, is that 'population' (or population size) is a factor in margin of error. This is not true. Population does not appear in the statistical formulation for margin of error.

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