African Americans and white Americans differ in the type and magnitude of their asset holdings. Perhaps as a result of these differences, the two groups also have differing perspectives on and responses to the 2008-2009 economic downturn. Similarities of perspective exist between the groups as well. For example, both African Americans and whites report similar levels of confidence in the nation’s financial institutions and sector.

These findings are from a survey of 850 African Americans and 850 members of the general U.S. population (including 721 white Americans) that was conducted for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies by Research America between May 21 and June 9, 2009. The Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies National Opinion Poll about Social Security, Retirement Savings and the Economic Downturn found many striking differences between African Americans and whites on these topics.

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African Americans are more likely than whites to expect that Social Security will be their major source of income during retirement. Th is was true in both 1998 (35 percent of African Americans versus 17 percent of whites) and 2009 (37 percent of African Americans versus 27 percent of whites). African Americans also are more likely than whites to support the Social Security system as currently structured and to believe that the system should continue to provide the same type and level of benefits. A range of views, however, is held by African Americans and whites on selected proposals for reforming the Social Security system to ensure its solvency.

These findings are from a survey of 850 African Americans and 850 members of the general U.S. population (including 721 white Americans) that was conducted for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies by Research America between May 21 and June 9, 2009. The Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies National Opinion Poll about Social Security, Retirement Savings and the Economic Downturn found many striking differences between African Americans and whites on these topics.

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The racial/ethnic wealth gap in this country is both huge and persistent. The ratio between the median net worth of white households and African American households is nearly 7:1, while the white-Hispanic ratio is nearly 5:1 (Bucks, Kennickell, and Moore 2006). Despite increased awareness of these gaps, clear consensus has yet to emerge about the steps needed to narrow them. Some of this lack of consensus relates to a lack of understanding of the causes of this disparity.

This report explores the determinants of wealth and of the racial/ethnic disparities in asset and wealth accumulation. The narrative provides an overview of past research1 that has addressed this issue and highlights the most relevant findings. Its goal is to shed light on the causes of the racial/ethnic wealth gap and to provide answers to the question, “What’s race got to do with it?”

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Among pre-retirees, confidence about having enough money to live comfortably throughout retirement typically reflects the state of one’s current savings behavior, known savings vehicles and expected major sources of retirement income. African Americans and whites have differing assessments of their own retirement security, and their differing views suggest that the recent economic downturn may have constrained African Americans’ ability to save for retirement to a greater degree than it has for whites. This brief provides details about differences between the two groups in retirement saving and expectations in both 1998 and 2009.

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This report by the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies presents findings from the second year of an initiative to assess what works to enable low-income communities of color to build assets. It highlights predisposing factors and promising practices in 10 states that received low rankings on asset building for low-income people in the 2007-2008 Assets & Opportunity Scorecard. The featured states are: Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Nevada, New Mexico, South Dakota, and Texas. This report not only examines asset building in these 10 states-most with sizable communities of color-but also compares these findings with those for states with high rankings on asset building for low-income people (Delaware, Hawai'i, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin). The states with high rankings on asset building-and small communities of color in general-are analyzed separately in the first year project report entitled Asset Building in Low-Income Communities of Color, Part 1: Predisposing Factors and Promising Practices in States Effective at Building Assets for Low-Income Residents (Executive Summary).

Also, see the Fact Sheet "Confronting and Closing the Wealth Gap".

This report by the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies presents findings from the first year of an initiative to assess what works to enable low-income communities of color build assets. The executive summary highlights predisposing factors and promising practices in ten states, highly rated in the 2007-2008 Assets & Opportunity Scorecard for asset building among low-income people. The featured states include: Delaware, Hawai'i, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin. A companion report Asset Building in Low-Income Communities of Color, Part 2: State Comparisons (Executive Summary) analyzes similar factors and practices in another set of states with large percentages of people of color (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Nevada, New Mexico, South Dakota, and Texas).

Also, see the Fact Sheet "Confronting and Closing the Wealth Gap".

To provide fuller detail on disparities in child health, the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies undertook an examination of how child health indicators vary by sociodemographic characteristics. Comparisons are made for the health indicators including low birthweight, health status, unmet dental care needs, ADHD/ADD diagnosis, lifetime asthma diagnosis, learning disability diagnosis, and activity limitation. The findings for Hispanic children and white children are provided in this brief.

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Given the recent national discourse on health care reform, Joint Center Senior Research Associate Wilhelmina Leigh and Research Assistant Anna Wheatley conducted a multi-variable analysis to identify and assess racial/ethnic differences among children on selected health outcomes, specifically, low birthweight, asthma, dental care, ADHD/ADD-LD and activity limitation and by sociodemographic characteristics of their families.

To identify promising practices in asset building for low-income people, the Joint Center analyzed data for two groups of states - those with high CFED asset-outcome rankings and those with low CFED asset-outcome rankings.

FACT SHEETS ON THE REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH OF AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS

Summary: Both pregnancy and childbirth rates declined dramatically for African American females during the 1990s. Despite these declines, they remain more likely than their white or Latina counterparts to report having been pregnant. However, black female teens were less likely to report childbirth than Latina teens in 2000

Authors
Wilhelmina A. Leigh PhD and
Julia L. Andrews

The Joint Center gratefully acknowledges the Annie E. Casey Foundation, which supported the research for and publication of, this face sheet. We also thank the W.K. Kellog Foundation and our general support donors for helping to make this publication possible

Pregnancy

The late 1990s was a period of record low pregnancy rates for all teens. Teens were less likely to become pregnant in 1997 than at any time since 1976 (when national data about pregnancy rates first became available). Between 1990 (when peak rates were recorded) and 1997, pregnancy rates for African American teens ages 15 to19 declined 23 percent, only slightly less than the 26-percent decline in pregnancy rates for white teens.

Despite these declines, African American teens are more likely than others to report having ever been pregnant. In 2001, African American high school students were about twice as likely as their white or Hispanic counterparts to indicate that they had been pregnant or that they had gotten someone pregnant. (Figures A and B)

If a black teen has a first pregnancy by 19, she is nearly twice as likely as a white teen to carry the pregnancy to term and to have a live birth.

However, not all pregnancies are carried to term. Some are terminated either by abortion or by other forms of fetal loss. In 1997, the pregnancy rate among African American females ages 15 to 19 was 170.4 (per 1,000), and the live birth rate was 88.2. The rate of induced abortions was 62.7 (per 1,000), and the rate of other forms of fetal loss was 16.9. The 1997 pregnancy, live birth, and abortion rates for African American teens were more than double the rates for white teens, although the rates for Hispanic teens (especially for pregnancies and live births) were comparable to the rates among African American teens.

Childbirth

The Joint Center gratefully acknowledges the Annie E. Casey Foundation, which supported the research for and publication of, this face sheet. We also thank the W.K. Kellog Foundation and our general support donors for helping to make this publication possible

Births to teens ages 15 to 19 traditionally have been more common among African Americans than among all other teens. During the late 20th century, birth rates for black teens were at least double the rates for white teens. (Figure C)

After declining from higher rates in the 1970s and early 1980s, births to females ages 15 to19 as a share of all U.S. births increased during the 1990s. In 1990, teen births were less than 13 percent of all U.S. births; in 1998, teen births were nearly 15 percent of all U.S. births. However, black teen births as a share of all black births declined slightly during the 1990s. Teen births were nearly a quarter of all black births in 1990, declining to 21.5 percent of all black births by 1998.

Also during the late 20th century, the proportion of babies born to unmarried adolescents increased. In 1980, of all births to black teens, 86 percent were to unwed mothers, and of all births to white teens, 33 percent were to unwed mothers. By 1999, most births to all teens occurred outside of marriage (79 percent).

However, childbirth rates declined dramatically for black teens between 1991 and 2000. The birth rate declined 40 percent among black teens ages 15 to 17 and 24 percent among black teens ages 18 to 19. (Figure D) Rates of decline were comparable (although smaller) for white and Hispanic teens during this period.

References

1. Ventura, Stephanie J., W.D. Mosher, Sally C. Curtin, Joyce C. Abma, and Stanley Henshaw. 2001. “Trends in Pregnancy Rates for the United States, 1976-97: An Update,” National Vital Statistics Reports Vol. 49, No. 4 (Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics).

2. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 1995. 1996. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (CDC Surveillance Summaries) Vol. 45, No. SS-4 (September 27).

3. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 1997. 1998. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (CDC Surveillance Summaries) Vol. 47, No. SS-3 (August 14).

4. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 1999. 2000. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (CDC Surveillance Summaries) Vol. 49, No. SS-5 (June 9).

5. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 2001. 2002. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (CDC Surveillance Summaries) Vol. 51, No. SS-4 (June 28).

6. Hogan, Dennis P., Rongjun Sun, and Gretchen T. Cornwell. 2000. “Sexual and Fertility Behaviors of American Females Aged 15-19 Years: 1985, 1990, and 1995,” American Journal of Public Health Vol. 90, No. 9, pp. 1421-1425.

7. Ventura, Stephanie J., T.J. Mathews, and Brady E. Hamilton. 2001. “Births to Teenagers in the United States, 1940-2000,” National Vital Statistics Reports Vol. 49, No. 10 (Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics).

8. Moore, Kristin A., Margaret C. Simms, and Charles L. Betsey. 1986. Choice and Circumstance: Racial Differences in Adolescent Sexuality and Fertility (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers).

 9. United States Census Bureau. 2000. Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2000 (120th edition) (Washington, DC: U.S. Govern- ment Printing Office).

10. Chilman, Catherine S. 1980. “Social and Psychological Research Concerning Adolescent Childbearing: 1970-1980,” Journal of Marriage and the Family, pp. 793-805.

11. Freeman, Ellen W., and Karl Rickels. 1993. Early Childbearing: Perspectives of Black Adolescents on Pregnancy, Abortion, and Contracep- tion Vol. 192, Sage Library of Social Research (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications).

12. Moore, Kristin A., Jennifer Manlove, Elizabeth Terry-Humen, Stephanie Williams, Angela Romano Papillo, and Juliet Scarpa. 2001. CTS Facts at a Glance (Washington, DC: Child Trends, Inc.)