The AARP and the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies conducted a survey in South Carolina among 700 African-American likely voters in April of 2007. The purpose of the survey was to understand the concerns African-Americans in South Carolina want to see addressed by candidates for the respective Democratic and Republican political party nominations.

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Date Published: April 2007
 

Black churches have been major institutions in African American communities, providing focus for charitable giving, social support, and civic engagement, as well as spiritual strength. This may make them logical beneficiaries of the federal government's Faith-based and Community Initiative. But little is actually known about their level of engagement in this program, their interest in being involved, or their capacity to perform. This report summarizes major findings from a Joint Center study on black churches views toward and interest in the federal program. It provides insights for government policymakers, churches who are interested in participating in the FBCI, and the general public. 

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Date Published: September 2006

The federal FBCI is based on executive orders, the regulatory process, and other administrative actions. The FBCI's goal is to achieve equal participation of faith-based organizations in federally financed social welfare programs by creating neutrality in the awarding of government grants to secular and faith-based organizations. Four principles define that goal.

The first principle is that faith-based organizations have an equal right to compete for funding under any federal social welfare program for which an analogous secular service provider would be eligible to compete. The second principle is to protect the religious character of participating faith-based organizations in their places of service and forms of governance. The third principle is that faith-based organizations providing services financed by the government keep their exemption under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which permits them to exercise religion-based discrimination. The fourth principle is the accommodation of religion, or a commitment to the accommodation of religion within social service programs. Accommodations may be either mandatory created by courts in order to address violations of a religious individual's or organization's free exercise rights or permissive created by statute or regulation, and encompassing a wider range of religious practice than might be required by the Free Exercise Clause.

The FBCI represents an extension of Charitable Choice, which was enacted as part of the 1996 welfare reform legislation and later extended to Community Services Block Grants and substance abuse prevention and treatment services. The core components of the FBCI are the Compassion Capital Fund, which was started in fiscal year 2002 with an appropriation of $30 million, and the Regional and National Technical Assistance meetings.

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Date Published: May 2007

Between January 1998 and January 1999, the number of black elected officials (BEOs) in the U.S. increased by 68, from 8,868 to 8,936, a 0.8 percent increase (Table 1). In 1970, the first year in which the Joint Center collected data on BEOs, there were 1,469 BEOs. The 1999 total of 8,936 black elected officials represents a historic high. The largest categorical increase in BEOs between 1998 and 1999 was in municipal office, where the total increased by 153 positions, a 3.6 percent rise. In all other major categories of office, except state, there were declines, although these changes were largely insignificant. If one overlooks the increase in municipal offices, all other categories represented a decline of 85 BEOs.

Date Published: 2000
 

Since last year, when the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies published Black Elected Officials: A Statistical Summary, 1993-1997, the number of black elected officials (BEOs) in the United States increased by 212, from 8,658 to 8,868, a 2.4 percent increase over the previous year (Table 1). In 1970, the first year in which the Joint Center collected data on these officials, there were 1,469 BEOs. The 1998 total represents a historic high. The largest categorical increase in BEOs was at the municipal level, where there was an increase of 162 positions, a 3.9 percent rise. The other category where increases occurred was in education, with 55 more positions (a 2.8 percent rise). In all other categories, the changes in the numbers were insignificant. Since the increase in the total number of BEOs was 212, and municipal and education offices increased by 217, all other categories of office had a net decline of five black elected officials between 1997 and 1998.

Date Published: 1999
 

The first edition of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster was published 32 years ago, when it was reported that there were 1,469 black elected officials (BEOs) in the United States. This newest edition of Black Elected Officials (which covers officials in office as of January 31, 2000) reports 9,040 BEOs, a more than six-fold increase. Growth over this period is especially impressive at the state level (see Appendix A). In five southern states, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas, the total increase between 1970 and 2000 was over tenfold. In 2000, Mississippi and Alabama together had more black elected officials (1,628) than the entire nation had in 1970. In 1970, the 10 states with the highest number of BEOs collectively had 821, while in 2000 the top 10 states had 5,887.

Date Published: 2001
 

The last edition of Black Elected Officials: A Statistical Summary showed that as of January 2000, the number of black elected officials (BEOs) in the U.S. was 9,040. This edition, which records the most current complete data for those in office as of January 2001 shows that in the intervening year,the number of BEOs rose by 61 to reach 9,101, a 0.7 percent increase over the previous year (Table 1). In 1970, the first year in which the Joint Center collected this data, there were 1,469BEOs. The newest total of 9,101 black elected officials in 2001 represents a historic high.

The largest categorical increase in BEOs was at the county level, where there was an increase of 22positions, a 2.3 percent rise. There were also significant increases among black state level officials, 11or 1.8 percent, primarily due to an increase of 13 black state representatives. Every category of BEOs increased from 2000 to 2001, with the exception of U.S. House members, which remained constant.

The Joint Center previously published this information in book version annually from 1970 to 1993. The Joint Center now provides information on BEOs in more abbreviated formats and statistical summaries. More detailed information on BEOs including names, addresses, and offices may be purchased. For ordering information, please contact the Joint Center's Office of Development and Communications at (202) 789-6366.

Date Published: May 2002
 

This manual aims to assist workforce development professionals in the assessment and management of cultural competence within their programs. It also aims to aid them assessing prospective employers to ensure effective job-placement relationships and comfortable environments where employees can best succeed.

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Date Published: June 2002

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This is a report on a national survey of black elected officials which was conducted as part of the Joint Center's Divergent Generations Project. The Divergent Generations Project seeks to document differences in political participation and public policy views associated with generational change in the black population. While previous research for this project has focused on the black population as a whole, this study examines whether the generational change evident among the black public can also be seen among the population of black elected officials.

Since 1996, the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies' National Opinion Polls have tracked differences in the political attitudes and public policy preferences between different generations of African Americans. Some of these differences have been quite substantial. They are reflected for example, in partisan identification, with older African Americans continuing to identify most closely with the Democratic party while a significant percentage of younger black adults about one-third are declaring themselves political independents.

Among other significant generational differences identified in these Joint Center surveys: younger adults, i.e., those born after the passage of the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts, more strongly support school vouchers, are less positive toward the federal government and more in favor of devolution, are more supportive of the partial privatization of Social Security, are more pro-business, and hold more negative views toward voting than older African Americans, i.e., those born before 1950. While these and other issues show significant and growing differences, there are still many areas where blacks of all ages find considerable agreement, especially in contrast with the differences between black and white public opinion.

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Date Published: 2001

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Throughout the country, grassroots organizations are at work in communities large and small promoting racial justice and improved race relations. While their broad aims are often the same, many of these groups differ in their philosophies and employ widely differing methodologies. Too often, these groups avoid collaboration, foregoing the advantages it would bring because they are unable to see beyond their particular perspectives. Cultivating Interdependence is a guide for changing that dynamic. It builds on the anti-racism and related concepts outlined in Holding Up the Mirror, its predecessor volume. The guide also incorporates practical insights gleaned from the many community groups that attended the Joint Center's four how-to forums (directed by the NABRE program), and offers specific recommendations on working with grantmakers. Includes worksheet and handout material that is easily reproducible. 

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Date Published: February 2005

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